Mahn Ba Zan & the Karen Revolution

Mahn Ba Zan and the United Front

In order to celebrate victory in the revolution, there should be a combination of three core factions, the party, the army and a united front, in order to succeed:

‘The enemy of my enemy is my friend’, as the saying goes, Mahn Ba Zan, in his prime, had always advocated this in his political classes and at meetings with the troops. With this concept in mind, at the KNU conference held in April 23-24, 1947, at the KNU emergency meeting, it was decided to unite the ethnic nationalities. According to that decision, they tried to organize the Kachin, Karenni, Pa’O, Mon and Shan people. In the case of Kachin people, the Kachin Rifles in government employment were organized (to join us). Colonel Naw La of the 1st Kachin Rifles was an officer who enthusiastically supported the activities of the Karen people.

Among the Kachin leaders, Duwa Zaw Lun was also on our side. Because he supported the Karen cause, Colonel Naw La was transferred from his battalion. Concerning the Pa’O people, it was their leader Pa’O U Hla Pe who was able to have organized the entire Pa’O people for our cause. The whole of the Mon people were also organized to endorse our efforts, led by their Mon leaders Naing Hla Maung, Naing Ba Lwin (Naing Shwe Gyin). All the Karenni nationals supported us under the leadership of their Sawbwa Saw Shwe. To organize the Shan people for our cause, we were able to have the support of the Taunggyi District Commissioner Sao Kyaw Aant. Having established all these just prior to forming an ethnic nationality front, the Karen revolution started, and such a Front could not materialize.

However, at the same time that the Karens had to begin their revolution, Karenni, Pa’O and Mon people also started their armed resistance for the freedom of their nationals. Among the Kachins, Captain Naw Seng of the 2nd Kachin Rifles led his troops to go underground and fight alongside the Karens, siding with the Karen revolution. In the Shan State, with the help of Sao Kyaw Aant, armed Karen revolutionaries managed to invade and occupy the state capital of Taunggyi. When the Karen revolution began, the Shan Sawbwa and the Kachin Duwa leaders who were allied to the AFPFL government displayed some understanding with the Karen revolution, and did not oppose it. After the retreat from the Insein battle, attempts were made to form a United Front with the CPB (Communist Party of Burma), Red Flag, and the PVO (People’s Volunteer Organization) of the People’s Democratic Front, and the KNU sent Major Maung Galay as their representative to their headquarters for negotiations. Instead, the PDF accused Saw Ba U Gyi as the western expansionists’ cudgel, and the KNU as followers and lackeys of the expansionists, thus thwarting the negotiation and rendering failure of forming a United Front. Nevertheless, in order to resist and fight the common enemy, with the belief in the necessity of a United Front as his concept, while he was still living and in his prime, Mahn Ba Zan very patiently led in the involvement of the following United Fronts.


( 1 ) Zin-Zan Agreement

The agreement was signed in May, 1952 at A-Nan-Goan village, Tha-Baung township of Bassein district.

Representing the KNU, the Karen National Union:

1. Mahn Ba Zan
2. Saw Maung Toe
3. Saw Than
4. Major Chit Tin (CO of 2nd Battalion KPLA, later killed in action)


Representing the BCP – Burma Communist Party:

1. Thakin Zin
2. Bo Ye Htut
3. Comrade Tin Htut
4. Comrade Soe Than

Agreements:

1. Cease fire on both sides.
2. To unite to fight the common enemy.
3. To form a combined Political and Military Committee.

(2) DNUF (The Democratic Nationalities United Front)

The Democratic Nationalities United Front was established on April 4th, 1956 at the KNU Central Headquarters in Papun Township. The organizations and leaders that took part were:

1. Saw Hunter Tha Hmway (KNU)
2. Mahn Ba Zan (KNU)
3. S’Gaw Taw Bloh (KNPP)-(Karenni National Progressive Party)
4. Daw Thein Mya (KNPP)
5. Bo Khin (PNO)- (Pa’O national Organization)
6. Naing Aung Tun (MPF)– (Mon People’s Front)
7. Naing Shwe Kyin (MPF)

Objectives:

1. To unite the armed revolutionary forces, and to form a United Front.
2. To obtain full rights for the nationalities.
3. To organize a major, widespread Democratic United Front.



( 3 ) NDUF (The National Democratic United Front)

In May, 1959, the establishment of the National Democratic United Front was begun at MehWaing of Papun Township. The participants at first were the NMSP (New Mon State Party), the KNU, and the Burma Communist Party. Soon, the KNPP and the CNVP (Chin National Vanguard Party) joined and reinforced the front.

For the KNU:

1. Mahn Ba Zan
2. Major General Kaw Htoo (Saw Kyaw Mya Than)



For the NMSP:
1. Naing Shwe Kyin

For the Burma Communist Party:

1. Thakin Zin
2. Thakin Tin Tun
3. Bo Ye Htut

For the KNPP:

1. U Po Kyaw

For the CNVP:

1. Salai San Aung

With the ability to establish a United Front, there was understanding among the various nationalities, thus eliminating the disparate super race and the narrow nationality policies.

( 4 ) U.N.F. (The Unite Nationality Front)

In August of 1965, the United Nationality Front was established at D’BeeTah Camp.

1. Mahn Ba Zan (KNU)
2. Saw MawReh (KNPP)
3. Major Hsay Tin (SSWC-Shan State War Council)
4. U Shwe Aye (KNLP-Kayan New Land Party)
5. San Khan Taan (ZCNF-Zomi Chin National Front)



( 5 ) NUF (Nationality United Front)

In 1967, the Nationality United Front was formed at GayGawBell village in central Karenni State. The Front comprised:

1. Mahn Ba Zan (KNU)
2. Major General Kaw Htoo (KNU)
3. Saw MawReh (KNPP)
4. Naing Shwe Kyin (NMSP)
5. Naing Hsan Maik (NMSP)
6. Jimmy (ZCNF)
7. U Shwe Aye (KNLP)

( 6 )NULF (Nationality United Liberation Front)

In May, 1970, somewhere in Bangkok, Thailand, a
Front was established to unite and liberate all the
nationalities in the country. The NULF comprised:

1. U Nu (Chairman) PDP(Parliamentary Democratic Party)
2. Mahn Ba Zan (President) KNU
3. Naing Shwe Kyin (Secretary) NMSP
4. U Zali Maw (Co-Secretary) PDP
5. U MannTaLin (Co-Secretary) CDP(Chin Democracy Party)
6. Jimmy Yang (Co-Secretary) SPP?(Shan Patriotic Party?) or
Shan Myochit Party

( 7 ) RNA (Revolutionary Nationalities Alliance) / NLA(Nationalities Liberation Alliance)

It was in 1972 that the Revolutionary Nationalities (Liberation) Alliance was formed, and this comprised:

1. Mahn Ba Zan (KNU)
2. Saw Maw Reh (KNPP)
3. Khun Kya Nu (SSPP – Shan State Progress Party)
4. U Shwe Aye (KNLP)

( 8 ) FNDF (Federal National Democratic Front)

On May 27, 1975, a national democratic front comprising federated states of the Union, and labeled as the Federal National Democratic Front, was established at the KNU Headquarters of Manerplaw. The Front consists of:

1. Kaing Ba Gyaw (ALP- Arakan Liberation Party)
2. Kaing Ye Kaing ( ,, ,, ,, )
3. Kaing Soe Naing Aung ( ,, ,, ,, )
4.. Kaing Mo Min ( ,, ,, ,, )
5. President Saw MawReh (KNPP)
6. Colonel K’Poe ( ,, )
7. Colonel P’LyahReh ( ,, )
8. Comrade Win Naing ( ,, )
9. President Mahn Ba Zan (KNU)
10. General Bo Mya ( ,, )
11. P’Ddoh Tha Byit ( ,, )
12. P’Doh Baw Yu Paw ( ,, )
13. P’Doh GayDwehBwah ( ,, )
14. P’Doh PuLerWah ( ,, )
15. Colonel Hla Htoo ( ,, )
16. Naing NunLa (NMSP)
17. Naing Hswe Yin ( ,, )
18. Naing Tet Tun ( ,, )
19. Naing T’L’Mon ( ,, )
20. Colonel Kun Lon Pa (SSPP)
21. Colonel Hsaing Tan ( ,, )
22. Khun Zun ( ,, )

With the above parties and individuals, the establishment of a national democratic front, consisting of different Union states and nationalities, was possible. Mahn Ba Zan has always believed that it was only through these united fronts that victory could be achieved. With this conviction, he had organized and taken part in the formation of this essential and indispensable front.

On the Federal National Democratic Front, Mahn Ba Zan made the following remarks:

“To obtain our national freedom, the Karen National Union and the entire Karen people already have been involved in this revolution for 27 years. Having engaged in the fight throughout these years, I have gained a wealth of experience. Such experience also included instances where organizing a united front was imperative. In way of exchanging information, I would like to elaborate on these experiences.

“ Firstly, I would like to talk about my experience on the advantage of cooperation and united efforts of various revolutionary forces and benefiting from these, as against separate and individual revolutionary engagements with detrimental results.

“ The Karen revolution and the armed revolutionary movements of the various Burman organizations began at about the same time. This time was when conditions were quite good and suitable for these resistance and revolutionary movements. However, the Karen revolutionary and the Burman rebellious or revolutionary forces had no understanding, nor liaison between one another, and thus there was no united efforts but rather separate and individual endeavors were made. I am convinced that the combined efforts of these forces could have completely defeated the common enemy of the AFPFL and successive governments. At that time, should there have been a confrontation with the enemy only on the one to one basis, the latter might have fallen. Within a few years of the armed rebellion, the Karen revolution was able to liberate large areas. Even the enemy headquarters of Rangoon was assaulted and surrounded on four sides. In the course of time, Burman revolutionary forces began to attack the Karen positions from the rear. The situation began to change. The Karen forces could not defeat and occupy Rangoon, and instead, the enemy was able to find a way out from its difficulties. The Karens who were fighting the enemy had to turn their weapons toward the Burman revolutionary forces and armed clashes ensued. A very good opportunity for the revolution had been lost.

“The conflicts between the Karen revolutionary and the Burman rebellion forces resulted in advantageous conditions for the enemy (the AFPFL government), which did not hesitate to take them, and began to stage offensive actions on both groups. Both of the two (revolutionary groups) sustained great losses, with much devastation of their situation. By this time, both of them began to change their thinking and viewpoints, and they started to communicate and negotiate among themselves to resolve their conflicts and hostilities. There had been alleviation of the problems. Both sides had gained understanding, and not only that fighting between them ceased, but that they both were able to combine the fight against the common enemy. With the offensive actions of the enemy effectively fought off by the two combined forces, the reciprocal offensives of the enemy were broken up, rendering much improvement in the situation of the revolution.

“Secondly, (through my experience and the lessons learned,) if understanding existed between one another, solutions could be found even if problems arose. Thirdly, in the revolution, not only that support should be available domestically, but foreign encouragement and assistance would be necessary; and as experienced by the KNU, individual efforts of an organization could be of very little interest to, and be impressed by foreigners, nor would support be forthcoming from them. To obtain support and encouragement from foreigners, the revolutionary forces should be united, and the troops combined to conduct military operations. Fourthly, the Southeast Asian countries of Laos, Cambodia and South Vietnam were able to put the superpower Americans on the run, the main reason being their united military efforts. Fifthly, if there is the United Front in our military operations, I am positive that we will celebrate victory. I have tried. A united Front has come into being. However, nothing tangible has materialized.

“The existing impediment to the above was the notion of being the super-party or super-organization. As the sixth point, whatever had happened, lessons could be learned from past experience, and these individual organizations were enthusiastic about the success of the United Front. Nine categories of these situations could be given as follows:

1. In staging the revolution, the support of the mass is to be considered the main point in achieving victory; until now, maximum support is still available from the mass.
2. While the enemy was at a disadvantage, it was also a time of conflict with no united efforts (among the revolutionary parties and forces).
3. It was a time when almost all the ethnic nationalities, and in nearly all of the States in the entire country, the enemy was resisted and fought by the various revolutionary forces.
4. A time when the revolutionary forces in the country engaged in heavy fighting and continued to be victorious, the colonial system totally eliminated, and the strength of the expansionists gradually diminishing.
5. A time when the expansionists approved the counter-revolutionary governments, and Socialist governments like China supported and encouraged those under their authority.
6. It was during the time when the Third World group (of countries) that very strongly resisted the expansionist system came into being.
7. It has been 27 years since the revolutionary movement in Burma came about, and the revolution movements are going on according to respective nationalities and their regions. It is the situation when each enters the struggle, having its own organization, program and objective, and only the one enemy (Burmese government) remains.
8. The enemy has mainly their tightly controlled Burma Army. It is at the juncture where neither the enemy can completely destroy the revolutionary forces, nor these forces can annihilate the enemy.
9. It is at the moment when the enemy not only has to contend with the various armed revolutionary forces, but also according to respective regions, has to bear the resistance of the people. It is a time when the people are also opposing in their own unarmed and peaceful methods. A time when there is no connection between the people and the armed revolutionary forces. This is the sort of time when the United Front should celebrate victory.



“On the origin of the revolution, just as the current revolutionary movement did
not begin by choice, it was not started because of outside influence or instigation. It happened simply because of our lot, and also as a consequence of changing times. First, I would like to say that because of our lot or circumstances in life, the revolution was brought about. Our nationalities have been subjected to the enslaving and profiteering of one nationality by another, the super-Burman (Maha-Bama) major nation policy, expansionist and landlordism with supreme authority, part colonialism and part imperialism existing and moving within the bounds of this human establishment. Those inimical systems, the super-Burman policy and expansionism partners have been protected and perpetuated by the succession of Burman solar-lording governments and the Ne Win military dictatorship. These vampiric oppressors prey upon all the nationalities in the country, subjugating and mistreating them both in terms of their minority status, as well as class distinctions, a twofold oppression.

“ The other reason why revolution has taken place is due to the changing period. It is a great changing period of revolution when, throughout the entire world, everyone who has been the subject of blood-sucking oppression revolts against the deceptive and chicane oppressor, to change from the evil to a civilized system with freedom, equality, brotherly love, etc.

“These are the reasons why revolution has slowly evolved. Landlordism had gained strength and it was under this condition the British expansionists had taken over Burma, and begun their colonialism. Citizens and workers of all the various nationalities who had been under the oppressive slavery of the colonial system have resisted and revolted against these expansionistic, capitalistic and subjugating slave masters. With such resistance and revolution, the governments of capitalistic expansionists and their colonial system were exterminated. Burma obtained her independence. After independence, the country became part colonialism and part imperialism, and in accordance with respective nationalities, suppressive bondage and vampiric oppression continually prevailed. Thus, the idea that the nationality citizens had to oppose and revolt against the expansionistic and royalist(imperialistic) landlordism and the super Burman major nationality policy, has already been submitted earlier.

Regarding the enemy, the viewpoint of Mahn Ba Zan would be as follows:

“ Whether or not we have the same or different regard or categorization on Ne Win (BSPP), we’d have to fight till annihilation. This is our given lot. Our differences in our categorization should be secondary. The main thing is to eliminate Ne Win. Without Ne Win’s removal, we cannot be free and progress toward the establishment of a new stage of life. To put it in another way, our desire for self-determination and authority, and for the improvement of our standard of living would never be realized. In whatever case, the fight to eliminate Ne Win is our destined duty.


“ To establish a United Front only when each of us has obtained our goal would be unnatural. It is a correct sentiment to organize it only when we have won our case. We will have to base ourselves on the truth in establishing the United Front. We can then see our many similar conditions. Our Karen National Union is fighting Ne Win. In fighting Ne Win, we believe that it is beneficial for our Karen nationality. Thus, other organizations also see their efforts this way, and this is a very important point. We can establish a United Front. If one organization fights Ne Win and another does not, a United Front is an impossibility.”



My 27, 1975
Opening Speech of President Mahn Ba Zan
Conference of Forming the Federal National Democratic Front

My dear honorable representatives of respective organizations,

I am very pleased and gratified that we can hold a conference, where my fellow revolutionary brothers and representatives of the various armed resistance organizations who are fighting for their freedom and progress, can unite and assemble here together, exchanging thoughts and ideas like this, and enter our struggle together. I like to also say that I am greatly thankful and deeply honored for your electing me to assume the duty as chairman of this conference.

Although our spoken languages, culture and traditions may not be the same, we are natural equals in esteemed brotherhood. All of us have been under the British expansionist government rulers, and have gone through, equally, in terms of nationality, politics and culture, their oppression, and economically, their blood-sucking profiteering.
After World War II ended, for our national freedom, equality, development and progress, and for our peaceful and prosperous life, we petitioned to the British expansionist rulers and entered our struggle against them. Our struggle has been quite tangible.
The demands that we submitted to the British expansionist rulers were such that it became inevitable and compelled them to become attentive and took action. In attending to our demands, instead of conferring with us, in order to protect their own interests, they worked in connivance with the adherents of super-Burman policy, the Burman capitalists. These super-Burman adherents and capitalists were committed to protect and maintain the interests of the expansionists on one hand, and to oppress and enslave all our nationalities on the other. Freedom and equality, which are our very birthright, have been beaten and severed, and the British expansionists and the super-Burman adherents further suppressed the nationalism, politics, and culture of all the various nationalities of the country; they made blood-sucking profits in the economic sector. They transferred power and gave ersatz independence to the toadying super-Burman adherents. Since we were fully cognizant of that independence being the kind that enslaves all the nationalities of the country, we, one after another, entered the revolutionary struggle. Our armed resistance is a fully correct, appropriate, justifiable, and naturally given duty and we are carrying it out with dignity.

As we have been oppressed and enslaved for several years, our lives have become dirt poor, our outlook has become narrow, our sociological knowledge has diminished, and we have turned out to be currently weak in politics. Although we have entered the revolution, we have not experienced the essence of revolution. Since we entered the revolution, we have only been able to fight in the military aspect against the government of the maha-Bama-waddi or the super-Burman adherents. And among us, while fighting the revolutionary war, there were things that were contrary to the revolution. Furthermore, each of us had to create our own destiny in conducting the revolution. For these reasons, instead of fighting together as one group with a common heritage, we fought separately, not to mention the conflicts amongst ourselves.

It has been 28 years since we have entered the struggle. From the day we entered the revolution to this day, there have been instances where we could have celebrated victory. However, because of fighting separately, and also because of the conflicts within our groups, instead of fully seizing the moment of victory, the revolution has become long and drawn out. The evil life of the unfaithful maha-Bama-waddis has also been prolonged. If we are of one mind and systematically united in conducting our struggle, it will enable us to achieve an expeditious victory.

Our solidarity is our victory; and it is the key to our freedom, equality and a peaceful new life. Solidarity means a combined and uniform effort in our commitment, conduct and discipline. For establishing such solidarity, we have now begun to do so by this conference. Each of us has our own respective view and idea concerning the revolution. We do agree on some of the views and ideas, but those that are not in agreement must be discussed back and forth worked toward concurrence. I would urge each delegate attending this conference to listen carefully to the proposal of a certain other, and disagreements should be discussed and adjustments must be made to reach accordance.

The above points concerning the Front were the viewpoint and commitment of Mahn Ba Zan. These excerpts were taken from the book on the History of the Front, prepared by Kaing Soe Naing Aung, General Secretary of the F.N.D.F.